As the Global South seeks a better development model and China looks for alternatives to mature markets, a match made out of mutual need is emerging
In 2004, Joshua Cooper Ramo, now co-CEO of Kissinger Associates, coined the term “Beijing Consensus” as an alternative to the Washington Consensus, the neoliberal framework of economic policies devised in the 1980s by the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and US Treasury.
China had just joined the World Trade Organization and, within the country, there was considerable scepticism that a Beijing Consensus existed.
That stimulus unleashed a decade of massive investment in infrastructure, but also an ensuing decade of dealing with a real estate debacle. From 2017, Donald Trump’s first US presidential term signalled a new era of intense geopolitical rivalry.
Since the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the Global South has had growing doubts over the Washington Consensus, which advocated free trade, free flow of capital, rule of law and democracy as the preferred model for development. After the 2007 crisis, even advanced economies raised doubts.
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With mounting signs of protectionism, Chinese discourse on industrial policy shifted towards a dual circulation strategy and high-quality development, including focusing on artificial intelligence (AI), robotics and advanced manufacturing, especially alternative energy, batteries and electric vehicles.
As “Make America Great Again” tariffs, sanctions and dollar weaponisation grew, the Global South woke up to the reality that China may offer a more realistic and pragmatic development model.
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Mainland experts on the 15th plan are confident China will be able to achieve roughly 4-4.5 per cent gross domestic growth in the period to 2035, given AI is only just spreading throughout the economy and the urbanisation rate is still around 67 per cent, considerably below advanced economies’ levels of about 80 per cent.
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As advanced countries ramp up their rhetoric on China as a threat, external pressures will unite Chinese domestic opinion around a new Beijing Consensus. Consensus is formed from hard realities and experience. If mature markets are increasingly fencing themselves in with tariffs, China must find alternative paths. Coincidentally, the Global South desperately needs new markets, sources of investment and funding, and to learn from hard experience on developmental challenges.
This is a match made out of mutual necessity, where the Global South, with its young population, large natural resources and ambitions of moving to middle income, finds a fit in a China freshly moving out of middle income into the advanced level.
As China shifts towards higher consumption and domestically driven growth, demand for imports of raw materials and cheap goods from the Global South will grow. As the Global South also needs jobs, China will be shifting its cheap labour manufacturing into new markets, enabling everyone to move up the value chain.
This is less a Beijing Consensus and more a “Global South Consensus” on finding practical ways forward amid a global order being dismantled by the Trump administration.
The Global South wants a voice in forming rules for the new global order, not to be left to the law of the jungle. The UN’s SDGs are not wrong in their aspirations but execution has been poor. Thus, the new consensus is less over ideology and theory, and more about the practicalities of how to survive and thrive in a more complex world.